by Adele A. Wilby
The Paradise, Pandora and Panama Papers, exposing secret offshore accounts in global tax havens, will be familiar to many. They are central to the work of economic sociology professor, Brooke Harrington. She has spent many years researching the ultra-wealthy and several books on the subject have been the result. Her latest book Offshore: Stealth Wealth and the New Colonialism is a continuation of her research; it focuses on ‘the system’, the professional enablers who support and advise the ultra-wealthy and make it possible for them to store and conceal their phenomenal fortunes in secret offshore accounts.
Offshore accounts should be of interest to everyone, particularly because any discussion of offshore finance is inevitably qualified by the word ‘secret’. As Harrington argues, the reasons are clear: secrecy ‘confers impunity: freedom from accountability, both to social norms and the law. Offshore ‘secrecy havens’ make it possible for some corporations, and a small group of individuals – including the world’s approximately three thousand billionaires – to escape constraints the rest of us take for granted. Freedom from taxation is just the beginning’. Offshore wealth allows the super-rich to live in what some economists refer to as ‘fiscal paradise’, a ‘transcendent plane of existence’, beyond the norms, rules and regulations that govern society.
To convey the staggering scale of offshore finance, Harrington cites the Berkely economist Gabriel Zucman: an end of 2022 estimate puts the sum of an astounding $12 trillion in private household wealth hidden in offshore accounts, roughly 12 per cent of all the wealth produced in the world that year, an amount, Harrington points out, that is a ‘central feature of the world economy’. To make sense of ‘the economic and political inequality spiralling out of control worldwide’ access to the secretive world of offshore finance was crucial and she went to remarkable lengths to do so. Read more »



Sughra Raza. Light Tricks, Seattle, March, 2022.
I have been thinking about artificial intelligence and its implications for most of my adult life. In the mid-1970s I conducted research in computational semantics which I used in
At about 6:30 am, we pulled up to the Labor Ready office in the Central District. My friend – who for the sake of this column will be called Rick – and I were responding to a trespassing call: a woman who was asked to leave the day-labor agency office was refusing.

Donald Trump is a con man. He was that for a very long time before he entered politics. Because he is a con man, it is tempting for critics to describe his presidential victories as successful cons. However, I think that interpretation does not hold up. Because while Trump at his essence may be little more than a sociopathic con man lacking a sophisticated and flexible inferiority, voters and citizens are not simply “marks.” The electorate, especially one as large as the United States’ (over 73 million registered voters), is maddeningly complex. It reflects a stunning amount of views, ideals, fears, and nuance. And the catch is that while the elected government can never hope to fully reflect this complexity, it can unduly influence it.

In February, after a month-long consideration, I set my New Year’s resolutions into a five-by-five grid. I made a BINGO card—twenty-four resolutions plus the FREE space. It was my attempt to gamify the whole tired resolution process that I’ve failed at so well. Surprisingly the trick seems to have worked, at least partially.
In the context of growing concern about educational equity, the persistent racial disparities associated with the Specialized High School Admissions Test in New York City continue to spark debate. As cities and school systems nationwide reconsider the role of standardized testing, the story of the origins of this test shed light on how deeply embedded policies can appear neutral while, in reality, reinforcing inequality.

