by Michael Liss
I have sworn upon the altar of God, eternal hostility against every form of tyranny over the mind of man. —Thomas Jefferson, Letter to Doctor Benjamin Rush, September 23, 1800
To quote the esteemed detective (and Classicist) Lieutenant Columbo, I think you see my problem. Who writes like this? I have spent a great deal of time over the last three months researching and writing about Thomas Jefferson and I do not think I am any closer to understanding the inner Jefferson then the day I started. I need a break. All those books (there are more in another room by other, just as authoritative writers) and every word of original source material I can find in texts and online haven’t shown me what the historian Joseph Ellis asks me to accept as defining qualities: “Jefferson was light, inspiring, optimistic.”
Maybe he was light, inspiring and optimistic. In his personal life melancholy wouldn’t be a description I’d ascribe to him. He certainly loved wine, women, music, good correspondence, and better books. He had a long list of people with whom he communicated, and the ones who were up to it got letters in multiple languages. The missives he and John Adams exchanged, when the two elderly egotists were in the mood, were stuffed with learned allusions. One of Jefferson’s, dated September 21, 1813, included verses that started in Greek and then translated to English, Latin, and French, then finally alit on Italian. You can almost hear the boys getting out their William and Mary and Harvard sweatshirts, dipping their pens in ink, and smirking. And yet, I feel the weight of his words.
During its formative years, America was blessed with several Presidents who were highly gifted. Adams certainly was, as was his son. John Quincy Adams, as was James Madison, but what set Jefferson apart was his unchallengeable status as a Renaissance man. Maybe that’s part of his enduring appeal to the academic community—being smart, talented, and classically educated is cool.
Not cool, the slaves—both the mistress and the rest—and, for many, that’s dispositive. The moral opprobria associated with the institution and the intimate relations with Sally Hemings are great and deserved. Contextualization doesn’t really work when you are talking about actions of this type. Read more »






I met Derrida in Memphis in 1993. We were standing by a pool and he was smoking a cigar. I’m sure I was smoking a cigarette. I was twenty-four.

I count among my simple pleasures a walk to a pocket beach not far from my home. Tucked between a couple of small headlands, barely 100 yards long, it overlooks Juan de Fuca Strait, separating Vancouver Island from Washington’s Olympic Peninsula to the south. It’s a quiet spot, empty of the summer crowds that flock to beaches elsewhere in the city, and for that reason a treasured refuge for readers and romantics in search of solitude with a tranquil view of snowy peaks. There’s always the possibility of sighting a pod of the killer whales that frequent these waters.
It’s not intimate, it’s philosophy. That sounds like something ChatGPT would say but there is truth in it. Philosophical writing is seldom intimate. When philosophical writing styles are discussed, Nietzsche is usually trotted out as the example that avoids the calculated, dispassionate, heavily qualified tone of philosophy. But intimate? No. Nietzsche was too busy shouting at the reader to achieve intimacy.
Sughra Raza. Winter Clouds, Boston, December 2025.
Chief Justice Roberts in his 2005 confirmation hearing famously testified that as a Supreme Court justice his job was not to “pitch or bat” but to be an “umpire” calling “balls and strikes.” History since suggests otherwise. In collaboration with his conservative colleagues on the court, Roberts has been more like an agenda-driven baseball commissioner calling the shots by re- defining the rules of the game. He has led the court to grant Trump and other presidents virtual immunity from criminal prosecution and to seal the deal for the idea of a unitary presidency which subordinates independent regulatory agencies, inspector generals, and the Department of Justice to a single president’s will even if Congress has legislated otherwise.