by Anton Cebalo

Bibiheybat is a settlement on the outskirts of Baku, Azerbaijan. Located along the Caspian Sea, the region became the crown jewel of Imperial Russia for its resources. Modern oil production as we know it today began in this tiny town. In 1846, the Russians began drilling here. It was the first time an oil well was drilled mechanically instead of dug by hand.

By the late 1800s, large oil fields were discovered offshore. Baku by then was producing over half of the world’s demand. But the labor became incredibly dangerous, and oil gushes were common. High-pressure blowouts would spew oil, mud, and gas into the air, and sometimes even ignite. Azerbaijan was known as the “Land of Fire” as these infernos billowed black plumes into the sky.

Russian cinematographer Alexander Michon was in Baku at the time and witnessed one such fiery blowout. Using a fixed hand-cranked Lumière Cinématographe, he captured the scene in a 30-second silent film in 1898. Titled The Oil Gush Fire in Bibiheybat, it is considered the first film shot in Azerbaijan.

Michon was operating in the genre of actuality films. These were proto-documentary B-rolls that captured daily life, much like still photography would. Given that film was still a new medium, actualities dominated these infancy years as cinematographers sought to depict life “as it really was.”

And Michon did so for Azerbaijan, even in all its ugliness, and in doing so he also created the first eco-horror film. Read more »

by Peter Topolewski

We humans keep seeing articles about AI. An endless parade of them, it feels like.

We’re the authors, we’re the culprits.

We have our reasons. Good ones, too. Starting with our awe of AI’s growing catalogue of capabilities. Making films indistinguishable from our own, co-working with humans in HR departments, and chatting and philosophizing among themselves in chatbot social networks. The latest wrinkle sees AI working not in chatbot settings but as standalone entities tasked with carrying out specific jobs like writing code for a website but also not-so-specific jobs like overseeing a team of other AI agents and iterating their own development. They’re getting independent. Or as tech evangelist Peter Diamandis put it to his email readers, “We are not incrementally improving chatbots anymore. We’re watching the emergence of autonomous agency at scale.”

As amazing as these are, we are, like cable news, more inclined to read and write about the problems AI seems to pose, for how disconcerting its presence already is.

There’s the financial cost of AI. $1.6 trillion spent on it over the last decade, another $2.5 trillion expected this year. In another world, how many societal ills and injustices could that money remedy?

In spite of that investment, there’s the problem of meager returns on productivity and near-zero contribution of AI to U.S. GDP. Also, the scapegoat problem: blaming layoffs on AI.

There’s AI’s job destruction problem. The CEO of the AI company Anthropic expects it to add 10-20% to unemployment in the next few years. For former presidential hopeful Andrew Yang the number is up to half the country’s 70 million white-collar workers gone by 2028.

There’s a vulnerability problem. The civilization we’ve constructed is digital and connected. AI tools have uncovered vast weaknesses in that infrastructure, an important first step to patching them. But criminals and the criminal curious are greatly represented among the early AI adopters. Imagine the havoc when a criminally inspired AI agent enters the Nasdaq’s network with the instruction to “sell everything” or JPMorgan’s with orders to “set the value of every account to one dollar”. How far away, then, are we from taking Voight-Kampff tests every time we want to check our balance? Not very.

For all this there remains the insistence from AI enthusiasts that we need it, with the uncomfortable caveat: it’s a coin toss—AI will in the end help us or destroy us. Read more »

by Dilip D’Souza

My friend Arjuna is an archer in the army. He has been on several campaigns, always victorious. His bow is as tall as he is. It is made of wood but strengthened with sinews. The combination makes it firm, supple and elastic. I say that, and marvel at the expert ease with which he handles it, and I know I – man of letters and numbers as I am – would never be able to pull the string back as he does.

At rest, the string is taut, straight, and twangs a healthy, satisfying note when idly plucked. When Arjuna needs it, he pulls in one strong, long motion, as if he is to the string born. Shallow pull if his target is nearby. Deep if he wants to shoot far. To pull it at all needs training and strength. To watch Arjuna pull it so effortlessly is a treat.

Watching him at his craft – for what else is it? – over and over again, I’ve started to obsess about how the bow shoots the arrow forward. Why is a shallow pull enough for close targets, but Arjuna must pull longer for distant ones? Pulling the string back seems to confer a strength of a kind on the bow, and the degree of pull determines the degree of strength. Actually, the more I thought about this, the more intuitive it seemed to me. So I became obsessed with another question. Is there some way to correlate the length of the pull to how much force the arrow gets, to how far it travels when released?

And so … I visit Arjuna when he’s practicing his skills. I watch him shoot arrows over and over, hundreds every day. When not in use, the bow makes a graceful curve, its ends joined by the taut line the string forms. But when Arjuna strings his arrow, the one straight line becomes two, each half as long, and the bow bends. I look carefully at the shape the strings make with the bow. It’s like a slice of what will come to be known, in my country as across the world, as pizza. (Maybe you can tell that I have the gift of seeing into the future.)

The smaller the slice, the more the strength in the bow. There’s my first lesson. But how am I to understand, or describe, “smaller” in this case? Eventually, I decide that the best measure is the distance in a straight line between the ends of the bow. Read more »

by Azadeh Amirsadri

As a child, I was lucky to have grown up with two grandmothers: one living with our family and the other visiting from her house in the same city, and staying with us for a few days at a time. Both grandmothers were very kind, and my sisters and I spent a lot of time with them, each of us having a special relationship with them. Mamabozorg was my paternal grandmother, who raised me from the age of one to five, and who, along with my grandfather, became my primary attachment figures. Her name was Zahra, and she lived to be 104, or so we think, since I don’t believe we have an official birth certificate for her, just the usual traditional writing of birth and death dates on the first page of the family koran.  A devout religious person, she prayed five times every day of her life as required by Islam. When she was too old to stand, she would sit in bed and pray, ending with her prayer beads. One of my favorite things as a child was to put my head on her knees, as she was sitting cross-legged on her prayer rug, after her last prayers, saying the name of the Prophet and his first successor as a form of meditation. I felt warm and safe with her, and the world was predictable as it should be for every child. As a traditional Muslim woman, she wore the chador and always kept her headscarf on, even at home.

Mamajoon, Mariam, was my maternal grandmother, the modern grandma. She didn’t wear the chador, unless she was going to some religious event, which she rarely did, but she also wore the head scarf at all times. She was born and raised in Rasht, a city by the Caspian Sea, and, with her grayish-blue eyes, her round hips, and her long silver hair, she remained a beauty in her old age. She had become a widow at a young age and later lost her oldest son to heart disease. She endured having had land and a fortune, then losing it all, but stayed the life-loving person she was. She lived in the United States for some years while raising her young grandson and caring for her college-age son. She loved America and regaled us with stories of banana-split ice cream, cheeseburgers, huge supermarkets with laundromats, and people who followed rules, compared to our unruly ways. She would take us to a new place in Tehran that had donuts, and as my sisters and I were cutting them with our knives and forks, she told us that Americans eat them with their hands. When I visited her in California, we would go to Fashion Island in Newport Beach, where she’d claim a table at an outdoor cafe, order coffee for herself and whatever we wanted for us, smoke her cigarettes, and watch the world go by. Read more »

by Thomas Fernandes

In Part I, we explored how bees navigate without depth perception, using optic flows to fly straight through tunnels, land smoothly, and estimate distance traveled. The visual system we examined works beautifully in providing simple navigation tools to solve complex tasks, leaving brain power for other activities such as pattern identification, nectar extraction, remembering profitable routes, and returning home

But what happens when that same motion-based perceptual interface must track and intercept a moving, evasive target? What are the rules of the hunt in insects? If any species can help us with this question, it is likely the dragonfly, with a hunting success rate close to 95%.

In a chase, a mammalian predator would run an interception course using depth perception to estimate closing distance, not follow in the exact footsteps of its prey. But insects cannot perceive depth and face a major optical challenge in motion parallax. When an observer moves, it becomes difficult to distinguish the target’s actual movement from the apparent motion caused by the observer’s own displacement.

Most flying insects, say flies pursuing other flies, use what’s called parallel navigation. The strategy is simple, you align with your target and match any changes in the target’s direction. If the target veers left, you veer left. This is a reactive pursuit, a continuous adjustment in response to prey movement.

It solves the motion parallax problem efficiently; the hunter only needs to keep the image motion of its prey at zero at all time which ultimately lets it zero in on the target. Notably, these chasing reflexes are driven by specialized “chasing neurons” that respond selectively to small, rapidly moving targets and are found only in chasing insects.

Dragonflies do something fundamentally different, as revealed by tracking studies. Read more »

by TJ Price

I.  Hook

And I’m a true doomscroller
I can’t seem to shut it down
Until the worst is over
And it’s never over

Metric’s album Formentera, released about three years ago, begins with “Doomscroller,” a deranged, multilayered, pulsing epic that lasts for approximately nine minutes. As an opening statement, this is audacious—in music, as in fiction, I often find common emphasis on the presence of a “hook,” engineered solely to cater to the fickle, capricious whims of the terminally impatient. In other words, if you can’t seduce someone effectively and immediately, then you don’t deserve their attention. Personally, I find this mode of artistic creation vulgar and repellent. There’s nothing inherently wrong with a hook, but programming it into a piece of art to ensure maximal audience engagement feels evil, somehow, to me. (Even worse, declaring it as a necessity!)

I think most would agree that an eleven-minute long track with lyrics such as ruling classes trickle piss from champagne glasses, that’s just how the evening passes, history on repeat relapses, and involving the turgid swelling of discordant electronics—like the buzzing of agitated bees!—might not be alluring bait for most. In fact, I think most might agree it would scare off any intended prey. However, I’m a weird fish. It’s like catnip to me—not to make a zoological hybrid of my metaphors. I was caught from the first moments of “Doomscroller,” from the frantic, febrile pulsing, a cybernetic heart gone tachycardic and slightly asystolic. (In fact, it seems to warp slightly, like something pausing just for a moment to catch its breath before being swept back up into the destructive sonic whirl.) Then Emily Haines breathily intoned, against that ripping, saw-like background: Was it an act of God or an accident? Read more »

Lichen growing on a rock near the river in Franzensfeste, South Tyrol. ChatGPT told me: “Typical foliose lichens expand roughly 0.5–2 mm in radius per year. If this patch is, say, 10 cm across, it could easily be 25–100 years old.” It was about 10 cm in diameter. So could be older than I am. The rock also had many smaller diameter lichens but this one seemed most impressive.

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by Tammy Lai-Ming Ho

For more than forty-three hours, from the afternoon of 26 November 2025 into the morning of 28 November, fire held fast to the towers of Wang Fuk Court in Tai Po, Hong Kong. Authorities later confirmed 168 deaths and 79 injuries, making it the deadliest fire in Hong Kong since 1948.

Wang Fuk Court is an eight-block high-rise estate built in 1983 to house thousands, each residential tower rising to thirty-one storeys. In late 2025 it was also a worksite undergoing major external repairs. Residents described façades wrapped in bamboo scaffolding and green debris-netting, protective boards fixed over windows and openings. When the blaze broke out, it spread to seven of the eight blocks, leaving one largely unscathed but surrounded by heat, smoke, and falling fragments.

Authorities have not issued a final cause. What they have said publicly is narrower and more important than any single dramatic culprit. Preliminary investigations found that some of the construction netting covering the eight buildings did not meet fire safety standards, and flammable expanded polystyrene foam boards covering the windows acted as potential accelerants. These details place attention on choices and oversight, and on whether regulators and contractors allowed combustible protection to become an accelerant. Officials said the rapid spread appeared linked to refurbishment materials, and that criminal and anti-corruption inquiries were under way. For residents, it sounded like an admission that risk had been accepted. The Labour Department had conducted 16 inspections of the site since July 2024, with the final inspection occurring just one week before the fire, yet the work continued. Read more »

by Herbert Lui

Just a few months before he turned 29, T. S. Eliot started his first day as a clerk in the Colonial & Foreign Department at Lloyds Bank. While he’d gained some recognition for his poetry a couple of years prior, it didn’t earn him enough income to soothe his financial anxieties, which caused him multiple nervous breakdowns. After Eliot started his day job, his wife at the time, Vivienne Haigh-Wood Eliot, noticed his improved health. The steady income settled his nerves. She writes in a letter to his mother, “Not one of his friends has failed to see, and to remark upon, the great [change] in Tom’s health, appearance, spirits, and literary productiveness since he went in for Banking. So far, it has obviously suited him.”

Eliot’s story stands out in contrast to the current dominant narrative, that people who are dedicated to their craft must do it full-time if they hope to succeed. When Matthew McConaughey told his father he wanted to drop out of law school to become an actor, his father told him, “Don’t half-ass it.” Sylvester Stallone, even more famously, was down to his last $106 before he came up with the idea for Rocky. How many people, seeing the success of McConaghey, Stallone, and others like them, interpret this advice to mean fully committing to their work—and avoid taking a day job—betting they’ll make a hit before running out of time and money? How many people believe that having a full-time job means half-assing their craft? Read more »

by Brooks Riley

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by David J. Lobina

There are some very long journal articles and books in analytical philosophy, and whilst I’m sometimes unsure as to the need for very big books in certain cases, I am a fan of long philosophical papers. Some of the best articles in analytical philosophy are long, very well argued, thorough, and pretty exhaustive – indeed, I’ve rarely thought ‘this topic deserves a full-length book’ after reading some of these pieces, and this always seemed like a good thing to me. I was reminded of this recently when a philosopher stated in their social media account that many books in politics, history or culture would be better as long pieces in the style and rigour of analytical philosophy papers, and even though the remark may have been a bit tongue-in-cheek, the point is a valid one.

I think this is true for the book under review here, Al-Rustom’s Enduring Erasures: Afterlives of the Armenian Genocide, in fact; not that long a book (the actual text is 224 pages, with an additional 40 pages of substantial endnotes), but one that is surprisingly repetitive and where the main argument would have benefited from a more constrained but focused format.

Enduring Erasures is a work in anthropology and ethnography, though it employs much of the style and theoretical framework of cultural/social studies, as I shall show later. It is nominally focused on the fate of the Armenians in Turkey since the Armenian Genocide, which is to say that it is mostly concerned with Western Armenians (those who lived in Anatolia before the foundation of Turkey) and not much with Eastern Armenians (those from the Armenian Highlands, this area eventually becoming the current Republic of Armenia). But the book does touch upon various other topics and more space is devoted to the Armenian diaspora in France than to the Armenians who stayed behind in Turkey. Complicating matters somewhat, there is a great number of so-called Hidden Armenians, or crypto-Armenians, in Turkey, and these are Armenians who conceal their origins (the estimates vary widely, ranging from tens of thousands of people to single-digit millions). Read more »

by Mindy Clegg

The American and Israeli invasion of Iran has become the next major crisis to emerge out of the ongoing polycrisis we are all living through. The thing causing the most consternation about the war seems to be the lack of clarity on reasons and the end game. The President and the Secretary of Defense Pete Hegseth claim this will be easy, a one-and-done conflict that won’t bog America down. They throw out the usual rhetoric about Iran as an especially pernicious force in the world, as a state-sponsor of terrorism. They claim that their actions will allow the suffering people of Iran to rise up and “take back their country,” an argument for regime change.

It has been a chaotic roll-out to a war that threatens to further destabilize an already unstable world. But perhaps all this chaos is the point. Maybe the old idea that American postwar empire encouraged stability for its markets has been replaced by a new logic of rule by chaos. Amie Ceasar’s notion of imperial boomerang during the era of Forever Wars points to an intensification rather than a rupture. Rather than stability built for markets, American empire has increasingly come to demand is the exact opposite of that: chaos, deployed to make market extraction easier. The haphazard nature of the attack on Iran is just one example of the chaos of the neo-liberal economy.

A couple of overlapping phenomenon can help us to understand the world in which we find ourselves. Read more »

SUGHRA RAZA. Shadows On The Riverbed. Celestun, Mexico, March 2025.

Digital photograph.

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by Samuel Dunlap

In 2007, the neuroscientist Sabrina Tom slid volunteers into an fMRI scanner at UCLA and offered them coin-flip gambles. Win twenty dollars or lose twenty. Win thirty or lose ten. Will you take the bet? Most people refused any gamble where the potential loss exceeded about half the potential gain. The scans showed why: as potential losses grew, the brain’s reward regions responded more sharply to what could be lost than to what could be gained. Loss aversion — losing something hurts roughly twice as much as gaining it feels good — was visible in the tissue.

That same year, evolutionary psychologists were calling loss aversion a design feature — a calibrated response to environments where losing a day’s food could mean death but gaining extra food meant only marginally better odds. Meanwhile, behavioral economists were calling it a violation of rational choice theory. A rational agent’s choices shouldn’t depend on how identical information is described — but under loss aversion, they do. Frame a surgery as having a 90% survival rate and patients choose it; frame it as having a 10% mortality rate and they hesitate.

Three traditions, three accounts, all well-evidenced — and not three ways of saying the same thing. The neuroscientist suggests modulating the neural response. The behavioral economist suggests reframing the choice. The evolutionary psychologist suggests understanding the adaptive function before overriding it. Nobody has a principled way of deciding among them, because the field has never settled a prior question: what is a cognitive bias? Read more »

by Derek Neal

Allopathy and homeopathy are two contrasting theories of medicine. Allo, meaning other, and homo, meaning same, indicate how suffering (pathos) is cured in these two approaches. Modern medicine, speaking generally, is based on the principle of allopathy, meaning that sickness is counteracted by healing and therapeutic treatments; homeopathy, often considered alternative medicine or pseudoscience, is based on the idea that “like cures like,” so rather than introducing an antidote to an illness, the medicine used is meant to produce a response similar to the illness itself, stimulating the body’s natural healing mechanisms and curing the underlying ailment.

Some illnesses, however, are incurable. This is what a psychiatrist, Dr. Host, tells 16-year-old Nick in Michael Clune’s recent novel Pan. Nick visits Dr. Host midway through the story to help with panic attacks he has been experiencing for over a year. Early in the novel, Nick is able to calm himself by breathing into a paper bag, which is recommended after a visit to the emergency room, and he has found other temporary reprieves, such as reading (he delays a panic attack by staying up all night reading the 19^th century classic Ivanhoe), not thinking about the panic when it’s happening (he refers to “a gate in [his] mind,” which he can keep mentally closed, preventing a full blown attack), and, most intriguingly, through a sort of pagan ritual that he and his friends conduct on a day they call “Belt Day.” Unlike the first two remedies, which work by acting in opposition to the panic, the Belt Day ritual functions by inducing panic.

The events of Belt Day take place in an abandoned barn that functions as the hang out spot for Nick and his group of friends, which includes Ty (best friend), Sarah (girlfriend), Ian (group leader), Tod (coolest/most mysterious kid in high school), Steph (stoner friend), and Larry (comedic relief). A good portion of the novel takes place in the barn, which revolves around drug consumption (usually marijuana and later, acid) and the adolescent philosophical speculation that follows. The other settings are Nick’s Catholic high school, his father’s anonymous townhouse, and other suburban locations, such as Ace Hardware and 7-Eleven. Part of the pleasure of the novel lies in seeing these soulless and sterile American places imbued with a sense of, not necessarily beauty, but the worthiness of being artistically rendered (“There are mystical places and times of the year in the American suburbs,” thinks Nick). Read more »

Fugitive

Big brown bison walks the white line
of a two-lane, black eyes scanning for a sign.

Regarding asphalt he wonders
what happened to the grass.

How did this black ribbon come to bisect
my meadow between talus and hundred-foot pines,
and where are the columbine?

He asks no one in particular because
not even the alpha male in a herd would know.

A car crawls slowly up behind
capturing the remains of a wilderness,
smart-phones gripped in hands of small
Homo Sapiens snap at the ends of arms
thrust through windows trying to catch
an outlaw bison who broke from a farm,
whose humped shade steps like a rope-walker
down the white line’s length wondering
where the stillness went.

Where are the laurel and clover?

What are these beasts that glide like
murmuring ghosts along this scar
in my pasture clicking like crickets
trailing clouds exuding burnt
Cenozoic scents?

by Jim Culleny
Oct 31, 2010

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by Thomas R. Wells

The world’s richest 1% have more purchasing power, and hence more command over what the economy produces than ordinary people. They can afford a more extravagant lifestyle – at the extreme including multiple yachts, mansions, and private jets. One may reasonably quibble with the way activists like Oxfam produce their numbers, but it is obviously true that the average 1 percenter has a far greater climate impact than the median person in a rich country, let alone the world. What a waste! What a crime against the planet! How can it be allowed to continue?

Oxfam, Guardian readers, an unfortunate number of my academic colleagues, and many others are confusing questions of fairness (whether huge economic inequality can be justified) with questions of harm (whether inequality speeds up climate change). Specifically, it can be true that

Per person, rich people do enormously more harm to the climate than ordinary people, and

Redistributing wealth from the rich to the poor would make the world fairer

Without it being true that

Redistributing rich people’s wealth would result in less harm to the climate

I. A Robin Hood tax on the rich would increase climate change

The reason is quite straightforward. Per dollar, rich people’s spending is far less carbon-intensive than that of ‘ordinary’ (middle-class) people, let alone the world’s poor. If the purchasing power of the rich were transferred to ordinary people, it would be spent on the things we want, which tend to be more carbon-intensive. The result would be an increase in total GHG emissions and an acceleration of global climate change.

Perhaps this needs more explanation.

Rich people — pretty much by definition — already have most of the material things they want. So most of their money is spent on more immaterial things, requiring far less energy and matter in their production and consumption, and far more labour. Because they are so much richer than ordinary people they can afford to directly employ people to serve their needs – cooks, nannies, gardeners and so on. Many of the material objects they do buy are produced in unnecessarily labour intensive — basically artisanal — ways, such as million dollar cars and Louis Vuitton handbags.

Some of this consumption may be because the rich like nice things, just like anyone else, and they can afford to have them. Some of it may be due to a spiritually empty desire to show off their status via conspicuous consumption. The important thing is that although the rich spend a lot of money the way they spend it is not particularly carbon intensive. At least, it is less carbon intensive than the way we middle class people spend our money, and much less than how the world’s poor do. Read more »