The evolutionary benefits of getting drunk

Jonny Thomson at Big Think:

“The classic example of a hijack is masturbation,” Edward Slingerland tells me. We’re talking about all the evolutionary quirks that humans tend to exploit — the cases where we’re “built” for one purpose, but decide to put that structure to other uses. And masturbation is a classic example.

In this week’s Mini Philosophy interview, I spoke with Slingerland about his book Drunk, in which he outlines his “intoxication thesis.” Slingerland argues it’s quite common to think that getting drunk is an evolutionary mistake. Some early Homo sapiens drank too much fermented fruit juice and discovered it was pretty fun. So they told their mates and, altogether, they clinked their frothy ciders and sang bawdy songs about hunting and gathering. But the human brain and body were not built to get drunk. Alcohol is effectively a poison. Our bodies don’t like it — or so the argument goes.

The intoxication thesis says this is all wrong. For Slingerland, drinking alcohol and getting drunk are important to human well-being and complex societies. It might not be what evolution “intended,” but it’s certainly given us a reproductive and interspecies advantage.

So, how is getting drunk different from other “evolutionary mistakes”? And what possible benefits might getting drunk give us? Today, we find out.

More here.

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OpenAI’s Sora Makes Disinformation Extremely Easy and Extremely Real

Tiffany Hsu, Stuart A. Thompson and Steven Lee Myers in the New York Times:

In its first three days, users of a new app from OpenAI deployed artificial intelligence to create strikingly realistic videos of ballot fraud, immigration arrests, protests, crimes and attacks on city streets — none of which took place.

The app, called Sora, requires just a text prompt to create almost any footage a user can dream up. Users can also upload images of themselves, allowing their likeness and voice to become incorporated into imaginary scenes. The app can integrate certain fictional characters, company logos and even deceased celebrities.

Sora — as well as Google’s Veo 3 and other tools like it — could become increasingly fertile breeding grounds for disinformation and abuse, experts said. While worries about A.I.’s ability to enable misleading content and outright fabrications have risen steadily in recent years, Sora’s advances underscore just how much easier such content is to produce, and how much more convincing it is.

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The Critic’s Power: Impassioned Ferocity

Jed Perl at the NYRB:

Complaints about the state of criticism are a very old story. But nothing I’ve read—from indictments published decades ago by Cyril Connolly, Elizabeth Hardwick, Clement Greenberg, and Gore Vidal to James Wolcott’s evisceration of cultural coverage at The New York Times in a recent issue of Liberties—can top Ian McKellen’s howl for what we’ve lost, telegraphed through every twist and turn of his performance as the curmudgeonly theater critic Jimmy Erskine in The Critic (2023).

Erskine is no saint. He’s a nasty man. His judgments are belligerently hyperbolic. He turns out to be a blackmailer and a murderer. Nevertheless, I can’t help but see a critique of the hopelessly routinized state of criticism today in McKellen’s turn as a cultivated and abrasive Brit doing battle with newspapers that already in the 1930s, when the movie is set, were replacing criticism with something closer to bland reportage. As he plays Erskine—based on James Agate, a major figure in London before World War II—his manic appetite for gossip, skulduggery, sexual games, and downright dishonesty is all part of some essential commitment to the dramatic arts. Exaggeration is his everyday means of communication. That, as Erskine sees it, is part and parcel of the devilish genius of the theater.

more here.

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‘You’re Going to Lose Your Mind’: My Three-Day Retreat in Total Darkness

Chris Colin in The New York Times:

On Day 3, I started seeing Rothkos. Immersed in darkness, I was hallucinating abstract expressionism, smears of pink and blue pulsing through what I knew to be a room in Massachusetts, though it was also a cave and somehow a black hole. A strange inner cinema comes online after enough time in absolute blackness, a kind of backup generator for imagery. I sat. Had sat for hours. It was daytime, or maybe nighttime, one of the big two. Was I unraveling? Raveling? What did I know for sure? I knew to breathe: Om ah hum. If I truly freaked, I could find the door. I didn’t want the door. I wanted to boil existence down, see what remained.

Another hour or four. No light, people, activity, screens. A brain in the dark, and a warping one at that. I watched a wolf’s head drift past. Memories slid in. Autumn afternoon in Virginia, rusty rake tines snagged on a willow root. That Belgian boy from summer camp who knew just one English phrase, “bed of nails.” My daughter home with the flu, head on my chest, lifting it sweetly to barf. The crook of an unusual tree in Mexico 20 years ago. Om ah hum. Enough with the breathing. Tea? No more tea. I opted for a journey to the bathroom, mostly recreational — edge along bed, feel for far wall, left at dresser, don’t knock over soap dispenser. Sitting again, more staring, more blackness.

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Sunday, October 26, 2025

Relearning Adam Smith’s Lessons on Trade

Beth Baltzan in American Affairs:

Adam Smith is often considered a libertarian icon. For that, we have Milton Friedman to thank, at least in part. Unlike the more balanced take of his Chicago School predecessors, Friedman portrayed Smith as something of a free market extremist. Friedman’s approach sparked a counterattack by scholars determined to reclaim the nuance in Smith’s ideas, and the effort to correct the record continues to this day.

Still, as we approach the 250th anniversary of the publication of Smith’s The Wealth of Nations, there remains one area in which a misunderstanding of his work persists: international trade. Friedman, perhaps the most influential economist of the second half of the twentieth century, included trade in his caricature of Smith.4 But Friedman’s rendition is flawed at its core because it ignores the real basis for Smith’s antipathy to mercantilism. Smith takes issue not with tariffs per se but with tariffs as a tool of monopoly. To Smith, the interests of the monopolist are at odds with those of the general public. He sides with the public.

The Chicago School approach, in both antitrust and trade, focuses almost exclusively on benefits to the consumer. Smith cared about the effects of monopoly rents on prices, but he saw the public as more than merely a mass of consumers longing for cheap stuff. His political economy is broader than that. It’s about power. When monopolists have too much of it, the public suffers. Smith’s free trade is not freedom from tariffs; it’s freedom from monopolists.

Unfortunately, even today, the Friedman-esque focus on the consumer reigns supreme in trade policy. Yet this myopic emphasis on consumers ended up paving the way for the “the spirit of monopoly” to reenter the trading system, even facilitating the rise of a powerful and aggressive neomercantilist state. This was the opposite of what Smith wanted.

More here.

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Intellectual Violence

Andrei Kolesnikov in Public Seminar:

In the age of mature Putinism, violence and control, accompanied by a new morality based on so-called “traditional values,” have become crucial instruments for managing Russian society. The use of the education system and cultural institutions to indoctrinate the population—above all young people—is a form of violence, only intellectual rather than physical.

In some respects, the scale of repression is greater now than in the late Soviet period. The absurdity of the accusations and even the number of convictions on political charges is increasingly reminiscent of the Stalin era. On February 27, 2024, for example, the human rights activist Oleg Orlov was jailed for actions allegedly motivated by “hatred of traditional values.” Ideology is acquiring a practical significance in the implementation of political repression.

The function of ideology and ideological agencies—from the Ministry of Education and communications watchdog Roskomnadzor to the prosecutor general’s office, the Ministry of Justice, the Investigative Committee and the Federal Security Service (FSB)—is to present a single vision of the world and to punish anything that refutes or contradicts it. All of these agencies are becoming mechanisms for controlling ideology and culture.

The first decree that Russian President Vladimir Putin signed after his fifth inauguration in May 2024 was “On the Approval of the Fundamentals of State Policy of the Russian Federation in the Field of Historical Education.” According to the decree, which serves as the foundation of the state ideology and a blueprint for the indoctrination of the population, everything is to be unified within the framework of “historical education”: a consolidated instructional methodology for all education levels starting with kindergarten, and of course a “unified state line of history textbooks.”

More here.

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Buddhism and Deliberative Democracy

William J. Long in The Immanent Frame:

Democracies today face turbulent times. Populism, polarization, and entrenched inequality threaten their foundations, while authoritarianism continues to rise—democracy has declined for 18 consecutive years. In this climate of division, democratic governments increasingly struggle to make decisions that are both legitimate and widely accepted.

In academic circles, many theorists promote deliberation as a remedy. The concept is straightforward: Democratic decisions are made more legitimate, intelligent, and socially stabilizing through the exchange of reasons among those affected. Its proponents argue that public deliberation among citizens is the essence of democratic legitimacy. Ideally, this process aims for consensus oriented toward the shared good.

This model contrasts with the prevailing aggregative model, which sees democracy as a competition among self-interested actors resolved by counting votes. The aggregative model arose in response to twentieth-century mass democracy in an increasingly pluralistic society. It holds that in an age of value pluralism and given the average citizen’s political disinterest, policy ignorance, and susceptibility to elite manipulation or coercion, participation should be limited to occasional voting for one leader or another cast by a subset of the electorate as part of a competitive struggle for power. As Joseph Schumpeter explains, democracy “does not and cannot mean that the people actually rule in any obvious sense of ‘people’ and ‘rule.’ Rather, it means only that people have the opportunity of accepting or refusing the men [sic] who are to rule them.”

Modernity rendered the classical republican model of democracy—with its focus on a search for a common good or general will of the people—less applicable. Instead, theorists shifted emphasis to aggregating individual preferences via interest groups and political parties, with periodic elections determining leadership. Most modern democracies reflect this aggregative or “realist” (power politics) model as their zeitgeist, while deliberative approaches remain largely theoretical or experimental.

Deliberation, by contrast, emphasizes shaping preferences through reasoned dialogue, offering a means to challenge power imbalances and elite control.

More here.

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The Light of “The Brothers Karamazov”

Karl Ove Knausgaard in The New Yorker 100:

Fyodor Dostoyevsky began to write what would become his last novel, “The Brothers Karamazov,” in 1878. It was published in serial installments in the magazine Russkiy Vestnik from January, 1879, to November, 1880. Dostoyevsky had a deadline to meet every month, and his wife, Anna, later complained about the pressure he was always working under. Unlike many other contemporary writers, such as Tolstoy or Turgenev, who were well off, Dostoyevsky lived by his writing and struggled throughout his life to earn enough money. If not for this, Anna wrote, in her memoirs, after his death, “He could have gone carefully through [his works], polishing them, before letting them appear in print; and one can imagine how much they would have gained in beauty. Indeed, until the very end of his life Fyodor Mikhailovich had not written a single novel with which he was satisfied himself; and the cause of this was our debts!”

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A critical look at the lifespan-extending promise of psilocybin

Peter Attia in PA Newsletter:

“Magic mushrooms”—long used by Indigenous communities in ceremonial contexts and popularized during the psychedelic heyday of the 1960s—are once again entering the mainstream, in large part for the potential clinical applications of their psychoactive component, psilocybin. Though scientific interest has thus far mainly focused on the use of psilocybin for treating psychiatric conditions like anxiety and depression, a recent study made headlines for findings that hinted at a role for psilocybin in aging-related processes. Specifically, authors Kato et. al. present data from human cells and aging mice that suggest psilocybin could potentially act as a lifespan-extending drug.1

Why psilocybin for aging?

The idea that psychedelic mushrooms can extend lifespan may seem like the sci-fi daydream of modern-day hippies, but it’s not without some level of scientific basis. Psilocybin—which is converted to the bioactive molecule psilocin in the body—has shown promising results in treating depression and anxiety through psilocin’s ability to bind to serotonin receptors (especially the 5-HT2A receptor), leading to alterations in mood, perception, and sense of self.2 Depression and anxiety are themselves thought to accelerate a number of aging processes, which has led to the theory that psilocybin might therefore slow aging by reducing psychological stress.

More here.

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Sunday Poem

Snow Falls From Then to Now

Pluvius couldn’t make up his mind between
snow and rain – so he sent small snow, small rain
together. A small quiet joined them, so dog
and I walked with all three, a little wet, a little white,
a little inward. Last night, when I rose to comfort
him from some disturbing doggie dream I could
see whirls of whiteness dancing in the steeetlight
and heard myself think, “Silent snow,
secret snow.”
Early waking let me watch the fall continue through
a blue-gray dawn sky. Morning walk – short, dangerous,
ice beneath the white coverlet. Greystoke didn’t
like it either so was quick, though I had to push
my walker across the tundra to pick up his leavings.

So, this is an ordinary poem about ordinary, But I’ll add a
small quiet blesses us all.

by Nils Peterson
from Task: To be Where I am

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Friday, October 24, 2025

John Updike’s correspondence, collected for the first time, trace a life of literary brilliance, turbulent loves and everyday pleasures

Dwight Garner in the New York Times:

Schiff estimates Updike typed some 25,000 letters and postcards over the course of his life. He neglected to keep carbons and used whatever paper was handy. (“I am pleased to see we share a lack of official stationeries,” he wrote to Alice Munro in 2006, reveling in the reverse snobbery.) He didn’t think much of these missives, or so he said. He told his editor at Knopf, Judith Jones, that “my letters are too dull to be dredged up.”

Surely, he knew better. Some 700 of them have been resurfaced by the indefatigable Schiff, who teaches at the University of Cincinnati and is the founding editor of The John Updike Review. Despite Updike’s distance-creating geniality, what an enormous and beneficent bounty these letters are for anyone who cares about this country’s literature during the last half century.

These letters trace Updike’s life (1932-2009) and, because they are so approachable, are not a bad introduction to his work for a young person who has not read him.

More here.

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Researchers Discover the Optimal Way To Optimize

Steve Nadis in Quanta:

In 1939, upon arriving late to his statistics course at the University of California, Berkeley, George Dantzig — a first-year graduate student — copied two problems off the blackboard, thinking they were a homework assignment. He found the homework “harder to do than usual,” he would later recount, and apologized to the professor for taking some extra days to complete it. A few weeks later, his professor told him that he had solved two famous open problems in statistics. Dantzig’s work would provide the basis for his doctoral dissertation and, decades later, inspiration for the film Good Will Hunting.

Dantzig received his doctorate in 1946, just after World War II, and he soon became a mathematical adviser to the newly formed U.S. Air Force. As with all modern wars, World War II’s outcome depended on the prudent allocation of limited resources. But unlike previous wars, this conflict was truly global in scale, and it was won in large part through sheer industrial might. The U.S. could simply produce more tanks, aircraft carriers and bombers than its enemies. Knowing this, the military was intensely interested in optimization problems — that is, how to strategically allocate limited resources in situations that could involve hundreds or thousands of variables.

The Air Force tasked Dantzig with figuring out new ways to solve optimization problems such as these. In response, he invented the simplex method, an algorithm that drew on some of the mathematical techniques he had developed while solving his blackboard problems almost a decade before.

More here.

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