Sadok BenAbdallah in Huffington Post:
Ashura, the tenth day of the month of Muharram in the Islamic calendar. A time of rejoicing and deliverance, yet a time of grief and sorrow. From both the Sunni and Shi’a traditions, this day holds very significant to many.
In the Sunni tradition it is widely known that we fast on this day to show gratitude to God and champion the day Moses and the Children of Israel were saved from the tyrannical rule of Pharoah as was narrated from Prophet Muhammad (pbuh). While in Shiite tradition it is known to be a day of mourning and sorrow in which they commemorate and lament over the tragedy and massacre of Karbala when Hussain, grandson of Prophet Muhammad (pbuh), was brutally killed along with members of his family and his companions. This was due to Hussain’s refusal to pledge allegiance to Yazid, the caliph of the time, as he was seen by many as an unjust ruler.
On the day of Ashura, as I participated in the annual fast, I also remembered the tragedy of Karbala and the killing of Hussain. Although seen as extremely significant, and almost even central in Shiite tradition, Hussain and the rest of the Ahlel Bayt (family of Prophet Muhammad) do in fact hold a very special place in my heart. As someone who ascribes himself to the Sunni tradition, loving Hussain and rest of the Ahlel Bayt is not contradictory, but rather an integral aspect of my faith. Due to the frequent affiliation of the Ahlel Bayt within Shiite tradition some, from both Sunnis and Shiites, perhaps might see this as an anomaly or an oxymoron, yet for me it is simply another manifestation of being a Sunni just as loving the companions of Prophet Muhammad (pbuh) is. Being a Sunni and loving the Ahlel Bayt are not mutually exclusive. Just as many people may automatically attribute Jesus with Christianity, so too will many attribute Hussain and the Ahlel Bayt with Shiite tradition only, however, that should not be the case.
More here.

The argument was this: America at its most distinctive wasn’t Judeo-Christian or capitalist or even democratic in a simple way. It was pagan. Not an earth spirit paganism of the moors and glens, but a polytheistic, commercial, cosmopolitan paganism of the bazaar and the agora. We invested objects, people, and performances with the power of our dreams and fears, and then we organized ourselves around those idols in “non-exclusive communities of desire,” arguing about them, buying and selling pieces and images of them on the open market, trying to woo others into our camp and score points over rival camps. We were a democratic people, but to see American democracy clearly was to understand that our democracy renewed itself on a substratum of pagan devotions to movie stars, rock stars, oil paintings, charismatic political figures, football teams, ingenues, mystery novels, muscle cars, runway shows, action movies, and action painters.
What is drag, anyway?
When I was about 6, my mind did something wondrous, although it felt perfectly natural at the time. When I encountered the name of any day of the week, I automatically associated it with a color or a pattern, always the same one, as if the word embodied the shade. Sunday was dark maroon, Wednesday a sunshiny golden yellow, and Friday a deep green. Saturday was interestingly different. That day evoked in my mind’s eye a pattern of shifting and overlapping circular forms in shades of silver and gray, like bubbles in a glass of sparkling water.
In explaining the rationale for approving female-libido drugs, the FDA often cites the “unmet medical need.” Yet researchers are fiercely divided over the question of just how many women lack libido and how best to help them. If you believe advertising for Vyleesi, American women suffer from an epidemic of insufficient horniness. More than 6 million premenopausal women — one in 10 — have low sexual desire, the website claims.
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The magnitude of the United States’ failure in Afghanistan is breathtaking. It is not a failure of Democrats or Republicans, but an abiding failure of American political culture, reflected in US policymakers’ lack of interest in understanding different societies. And it is all too typical.
The two dozen Kalamazoo County Republicans are rapt. They sit shoulder to shoulder in foldout chairs as the guest speaker at their party meeting, who bills himself as an IT expert from the West Coast, details allegations of fraud he claims occurred in Michigan during the 2020 presidential election. No such fraud occurred, according to
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Like many tales of compulsion, Campbell’s Hero brings dangers to those who put their faith in it. The first is a serious misunderstanding of how myth works. Myths and traditional stories function in specific environments for reasons bounded by time and place. Common traits are interesting, but the differences — what we might call variations or multiforms — cannot be ignored.
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The Paris-based economist Thomas Piketty gained worldwide fame in 2014 for his Capital in the Twenty-First Century, which analyzed rising inequality in the modern world and offered new ways to understand data on income, wealth accumulation, and the changing value of labor. In 2020 he followed with another similarly massive, similarly impressive tome, Capital and Ideology, which looks at the belief systems that underly that data. In it he asks the kind of question economic historians tend to shy away from: Where does inequality come from and why do societies naturalize and put up with it? Put another way: Why aren’t we all screaming?
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